For an accurate analysis of the "performance index" of the Yingluck government, five weeks after taking office, I deliberately avoid talking to the opposition party. I also refuse to be influenced by those well known for their dislike for the current government.
Instead, what the advocates of the red shirts and Pheu Thai Party are concerned about on how things have been working out for the administration seem to be a much more significant barometer of political happenings.
These are the people who have been telling all critics to "give the government a chance". They have also cited the fact that at least 15 million voters cast their ballots in support of their policies. The current government therefore has the necessary mandate to run the country, for better or for worse.
Some of my pro-Pheu Thai friends have admitted that they aren't too happy with how things are going at the moment. They aren't ready to be quoted, but some of them have said that their main concern is that the government has been spending most of its time managing politics rather than running the country's business.
Premier Yingluck, her advocates admit, has yet to demonstrate her ability to get things done. Most people may be ready to give her the benefit of doubt when it comes to politics. But somehow, her experience as a smart business executive should be translated into launching some real action in regard to the main policies that were popular among the voters.
But so far, no clear road map has yet been decided on the Bt300 minimum wage and the Bt15,000 minimum monthly salary for new university graduates. In fact, Deputy Premier Kittiratt na Ranong, who is supposedly the chief of the government's economic team, admitted the other day that the government was in no position to force the private sector to follow that directive. If the "economic czar" can't get it done, very few people expect Premier Yingluck to be able to intervene and declare "Let me handle this one."
The other populist action that was among the first to be taken up by the government was the reduction of diesel and benzene prices, which immediately raised an outcry about sending the wrong messages on the policy regarding the promotion of renewable energy. Some frantic attempts at correcting that first misstep have been detected. But the overall energy pricing policy continues to be rather confusing.
The government's crucial policy on the rice price subsidy is a litmus test. It is supposed to be launched on October 9 but already rice exporters are predicting a 30-40 per cent drop in rice exports because the project will drive up the price of Thai rice. Of a higher degree of concern is how the government can avoid the well-known mismanagement, corruption and abuse of power that typically comes with this type of scheme.
The government has yet to convince the public that real farmers will get real benefits from such an expensive and fraud-prone project.
Chairman of the Thai Farmers' Association, Prasit Boonchuey, has complained publicly that the deputy premier has not kept his promise of naming farmers' representatives to the National Rice Price Committee to observe the operations in action. Kittiratt has denied that he made such a pledge. "I only said that we would be ready to listen to farmers' opinions on every issue in every forum."
Some pro-government commentators are worried that the Yingluck Cabinet has yet to prove its "management skills". The focus on political gimmicks, in what is seen as an all-out attempt to help absolve former premier Thaksin Shinawatra from guilt, is nothing less than playing with fire.
The controversial move to pursue a royal amnesty for Thaksin, and Deputy Premier Chalerm Yoobamrung's public support for a thinly-veiled plan to seek a civilian court's verdict to get a revision of the criminal court's earlier two-year jail term over the Ratchada land case, will only revive the severe conflicts within Thai society.
The speed with which some Pheu Thai MPs are moving to have the constitution amended is also seen in the same light - that it's all part of a package to get Thaksin back home without him serving his sentence.
None of these political moves were ever part of Pheu Thai's campaign platform. And Yingluck has insisted all along that they aren't on her agenda. The fact that, despite her denials to the contrary, these goings-on are real and that she hasn't been able to deliver the economic and social goods as promised, could well prematurely shorten her political life.
Considering the fact that these are basic concerns aired by well-wishers - those who want to see the Yingluck government succeed - what do you think the hardcore opposition critics plotting to undermine the administration are telling the public?
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